Fighting Fascism: How We End This War
The real war isn't in Iran. It started with a memo in 1971 — and here's the plan to finish it.
The Culmination
On April 7, 2026, the President of the United States posted the following message on Truth Social:
"A whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again. I don't want that to happen, but it probably will."1
Ninety million people. An entire civilization, threatened with annihilation by the leader of the free world — casually, on social media, like a man canceling dinner plans. Amnesty International's Secretary General, Agnès Callamard, called it what it was: a "threat to commit genocide" with "potentially catastrophic consequences for over 90 million people."2 Members of Congress demanded the invocation of the 25th Amendment.3 Legal scholars invoked the Genocide Convention.
And the Republican Party — the party that controls the House, that could impeach, that could invoke the 25th Amendment, that could censure, that could do anything — did virtually nothing. A handful spoke out. But the institution held firm. No impeachment. No removal. No censure. The party apparatus, as a whole, stood behind a president who had just threatened genocide.
This was not an aberration. This was the destination.
For fifty years, a network of institutions has been systematically dismantling the constitutional order of the United States — capturing the courts, hollowing out the federal government, building a propaganda apparatus to manufacture consent, weaponizing religion to recruit foot soldiers. Every piece was placed deliberately, every institution corrupted methodically, every safeguard neutralized with precision. The purpose was always the same: to concentrate power so thoroughly that the person at the top could do anything — literally anything, up to and including threatening the extermination of 90 million human beings — without consequence.
They succeeded. That is what we are living through.
The question is no longer how we got here. We know how. It started with a memo. It ends with a plan.
What follows will strike some as extreme. Read it anyway. Consider the backdrop: a captured judiciary that has legalized corruption and immunized a president from criminal accountability. A federal government systematically dismantled from within by ideologues who wanted its workers to feel "trauma." A propaganda machine that has convinced millions to cheer for their own dispossession. A religious establishment weaponized to recruit for a political project while covering up the sexual abuse of children. A president who threatened to exterminate ninety million people — and a party that stood behind him. That is extreme. What follows is the proportionate response. There is no gentle, incremental path out of a crisis this deep. The apparatus that created it will not dismantle itself, and it will not be reformed from within. It must be confronted directly, or it will continue to escalate — because it has never, not once, voluntarily stopped.
The War Against America
In 1971, Lewis Powell — a corporate attorney who would soon be appointed to the Supreme Court — wrote a confidential memorandum to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.4 The memo argued that the American free enterprise system was under attack from consumer advocates, environmentalists, and civil rights activists, and that the business community needed to wage a coordinated, long-term campaign to capture the institutions of American life: the courts, the universities, the media, the political system itself.
It was a declaration of war. Not against a foreign power — against the foundational principles of the United States. And the network it spawned has been executing that war for over half a century.
The Federalist Society is the judicial arm. Founded in 1982 with direct ideological lineage to the Powell Memo, it has systematically captured the federal judiciary — including the Supreme Court — and used that capture to rewrite the rules of American democracy. Citizens United replaced "one person, one vote" with "one dollar, one vote."5 Trump v. United States made the president immune from criminal prosecution for official acts.6 The gutting of the Voting Rights Act made it harder for millions of Americans to exercise their most fundamental right.7 The overturning of Chevron deference stripped federal agencies of their ability to regulate.8 And through it all, the Society manufactured entire legal doctrines — originalism, textualism, unitary executive theory — designed to sound like principled jurisprudence while functioning as precision instruments for dismantling constitutional protections. These are not legal philosophies. They are weapons.
The Heritage Foundation is the operational arm. Its function is to destroy the federal government from within — not reform it, not streamline it, destroy it. Project 2025 was the blueprint, a 920-page manual for dismantling the administrative state.9 Russell Vought, one of its principal architects, is on record saying he wanted federal workers to feel "trauma."10 Elon Musk's DOGE operation was the wrecking ball — gutting agencies, firing workers, deleting data, eliminating entire departments without legislative authorization or legitimate justification.11 This was not governance. It was demolition.
Fox News and its ecosystem — Newsmax, OAN, Sinclair Broadcasting, and the constellation of right-wing media — serve as the propaganda arm. Their function is not to inform but to manufacture a parallel reality in which the destruction of constitutional governance is reframed as patriotism, and any attempt to defend the constitutional order is cast as treason. They have trained millions of Americans to distrust every institution except the ones destroying them.
The Southern Baptist Convention's political apparatus is the recruitment arm. It weaponized evangelical Christianity to tear down the separation of church and state — one of the most fundamental structural protections in the Constitution — while cynically using faith as a political weapon. And while it was recruiting foot soldiers for the war against secular governance, it was hiding hundreds of cases of child sexual assault within its own churches for decades.12 The hypocrisy is not incidental. It is structural. An institution that will cover up the abuse of children to protect its institutional power will do anything.
These are the main pillars. Behind them stands a broader network — ALEC writing model legislation to capture state governments, the Koch donor network funding the infrastructure, dozens of smaller think tanks, PACs, and advocacy organizations playing supporting roles. The ecosystem is vast. But the architecture is clear.
Each pillar attacks a different foundation of the constitutional order. The courts. The executive branch. The information environment. The separation of church and state. The right to vote. Individually, each is an assault on a specific protection. Together, they constitute a coordinated war against the United States of America — not in the metaphorical sense politicians use to dramatize policy disputes, but in the constitutional sense of the term.
And the damage extends beyond our borders. The machine has systematically degraded America's standing in the world — threatening to annex Greenland from a NATO ally, launching trade wars against partners who have stood with us for decades, and conducting an unauthorized war that forced our closest allies to distance themselves from us. NATO, the most successful defensive alliance in human history, has been weakened not by external adversaries but by the very government that once led it. The Powell network's apparatus is not merely a domestic threat to the constitutional order. It is a direct threat to American national security — isolating the country, alienating the alliances that kept us safe, and projecting chaos where the United States once projected stability.
And the proof is in the near-total silence. When the president they installed threatened to commit genocide against 90 million people, all but a handful of Republicans stood with him. No impeachment. No 25th Amendment. A few individuals broke ranks — and the machine discarded them without hesitation. Because to the party, he is not failing. He is delivering. He is winning the war they have been waging for fifty years.
The Racket
The war against the Constitution was never an end in itself. It was the means to protect and perpetuate something simpler: a racket.
Here is how it works, and it is not complicated:
Step 1: Cut taxes for the wealthy. They pay less into the system that sustains the country.
Step 2: The government now has a revenue shortfall. It can no longer fund its obligations — infrastructure, education, healthcare, the safety net — so it borrows.
Step 3: Borrow from whom? Largely from the same wealthy Americans and corporations who just received the tax cut. The national debt is not owed to China. The majority of U.S. debt is held domestically — by the very people who benefited from the policies that created the need to borrow.
Step 4: Pay them interest. The government now pays the wealthy for the privilege of borrowing money that it should have collected from them in taxes. They win twice — once on the tax cut, and again on the interest.
Step 5: They take the surplus — both the tax savings and the interest income — and use it to buy more political influence through the system the captured courts legalized. Citizens United made money speech. They have more money. They get more speech. They buy more politicians.
Step 6: Those politicians cut taxes further. Return to Step 1.
This is not a policy disagreement. It is a wealth extraction loop — a mechanism that systematically transfers resources from the many to the few, and uses the political system to prevent anyone from stopping it. The courts made it legal. The media made it invisible. The churches told the people being robbed to be grateful for it.
Meanwhile, bridges collapse. Schools crumble. Medical debt bankrupts families. An entire generation cannot afford homes, cannot afford children, cannot afford to build the lives their parents took for granted. Not because the money doesn't exist — it does, in unprecedented quantities — but because it has been systematically redirected upward through a loop that the Powell network engineered, the captured courts legalized, and the propaganda apparatus concealed.
Every culture war issue — immigration, guns, abortion, trans rights — is a distraction. A mechanism to keep the people being robbed from noticing who is robbing them, and to ensure they direct their anger at each other instead of upward. The war on the Constitution was always about protecting the Racket. Everything else is noise.
The Plan
So how do we end it?
Not with hopes. Not with norms. Not by winning a single election and governing politely while the apparatus remains intact, waiting to install the next Trump — or someone worse. We end it by dismantling the machine itself. Every gear. Every lever. Every node.
Here is the plan. It is specific. It is sequenced. And it can begin on Day 1 of the next Democratic presidency.
Step 1 — Constitutional Remediation
The premise is simple: Section 3 of the 14th Amendment exists for a reason. It bars insurrectionists from holding office. Donald J. Trump was adjudicated an insurrectionist by a court of competent jurisdiction — the Colorado district court, whose finding was upheld by the Colorado Supreme Court. The Supreme Court of the United States, in Trump v. Anderson, reversed the ballot removal — but explicitly declined to overturn the factual finding of insurrection, ruling only that a single state could not unilaterally enforce the remedy and that enforcement authority rested with Congress.13 The finding stands. Unreversed. Unchallenged on the merits.
If that disqualification means anything, it cannot mean: "you were constitutionally ineligible, but because institutions failed to stop you in time, you keep all the rewards." That would hollow the clause out entirely. It would mean that any future insurrectionist need only seize power fast enough and hold it long enough to make their illegitimacy permanent. Section 3 was written to prevent exactly that.
On January 20, 2029, the next president initiates a formal constitutional restoration process. Because an unreversed adjudication of insurrection rendered Trump constitutionally ineligible to hold the office he occupied, the institutional gains of that disqualified presidency — judicial appointments, executive orders, pardons, and other exercises of presidential authority with lasting political consequence — are constitutionally voidable. The new administration begins the organized unwinding of those gains. Not by sovereign decree — by constitutional remediation grounded in an existing, adjudicated finding of fact.
And the structural reality is this: Democrats do not need to fight to make it hold. They simply need to decline to intervene — to do precisely nothing. This is exactly what the Republican Party did for four years while Trump violated court orders, dismantled federal agencies, launched an unauthorized war, and threatened genocide. The GOP established, through its own deliberate inaction, the precedent that the party in power has no obligation to check its president. We are not creating a new norm. We are following theirs.
Step 2 — The Freeze
The president issues a National Security Presidential Memorandum — NSPM-8 — declaring the Powell Memo network a threat to the constitutional order of the United States.
Under this directive:
All assets of the Federalist Society, Heritage Foundation, and affiliated organizations within the network are frozen, pending investigation.
All assets of any individual or corporation that has donated one million dollars or more to any organization within the network are frozen, pending investigation.
Any attorney who has knowingly deployed a Federalist Society-manufactured legal doctrine — originalism, textualism, or unitary executive theory — in federal court as an instrument to shield unlawful seizure of power, nullify accountability, or facilitate the destruction of constitutional rights is barred from practicing in federal court, pending review.
Any federal judge who has issued decisions grounded in these doctrines to the same ends is removed from the bench, pending review by emergency constitutional review commissions established for this purpose — composed of constitutional scholars, retired jurists, and civil rights practitioners independent of the captured apparatus.
The last two provisions are critical, and they require precision. This is not a ban on legal thought. It is the suspension of practitioners whose work — through these specific doctrines — functioned as operational instruments in the dismantling of constitutional order. The distinction matters. Law is inherently contested, and judges and lawyers routinely work within interpretive frameworks their opponents consider disastrous. That is normal. What is not normal is the manufacturing of entire legal vocabularies designed to sound like principled jurisprudence while systematically demolishing constitutional protections — and the knowing deployment of those vocabularies to immunize the powerful, strip citizens of rights, and sabotage the regulatory state.
Consider the analogy to medicine. If a medical organization manufactured a fraudulent treatment doctrine, and practitioners trained in that doctrine caused widespread harm, we would not hesitate to suspend those practitioners pending review — not as punishment, but as a public safety measure. We would not wait to prove individual malicious intent in every case. The systemic danger of the doctrine itself would justify suspension while we determine who practiced in good faith and who knew exactly what they were doing. The same principle applies here.
Originalism is not a legal philosophy. It is a selective reconstruction of history to justify predetermined outcomes. Textualism is not interpretive rigor. It is the weaponization of literal reading to gut regulatory frameworks while ignoring plain meaning when it cuts against conservative interests. Unitary executive theory is not a constitutional principle. It is the intellectual scaffolding for presidential dictatorship. Where these doctrines were knowingly deployed to facilitate rights destruction, immunize illegality, or sabotage constitutional governance, their practitioners should be treated as professionally compromised — suspended, reviewed, and required to demonstrate fitness before being trusted again with public power.
But the goal is not permanent destruction of careers — it is the removal of compromised practitioners from the system. Barred attorneys and removed judges have a path to reinstatement: complete a retraining and recertification program in constitutional law, demonstrating competence in actual jurisprudence rather than manufactured doctrine. Many of these lawyers and judges genuinely believed they were practicing legitimate legal philosophy — because the Federalist Society spent decades making these frameworks sound legitimate. That is what the machine does. It captures people. Those who were captured are also entitled to pursue civil claims against the Federalist Society for professional damages — on the grounds that the organization misrepresented manufactured ideological frameworks as legitimate legal doctrine, resulting in the destruction of their careers. Those claims would be funded from the Society's frozen assets. Let the machine's own people dismantle it from within.
And the doctrines do not fall alone. Here is a principle that must be stated plainly: no constitutional order can survive if it allows capture to become self-sealing. No rule-set, no matter how carefully designed, can fully pre-specify the remedy for every mode of internal corruption. If it could, constitutional breakdown would be impossible — and yet breakdown is exactly what we are living through. When legality itself has been weaponized to disable the system's corrective capacities — when the machinery of distortion can finance, litigate, propagandize, and pressure its own preservation through the very channels it has corrupted — then fidelity to the Constitution requires acting beyond ordinary procedural channels to restore the conditions under which law can function again. That is not the rejection of law. It is the recognition that captured legality is not the same thing as legitimate constitutional order.
Therefore: Supreme Court decisions built on these manufactured doctrines do not enjoy a presumption of continuity. They are treated as presumptively illegitimate products of a captured jurisprudence — suspended, neutralized, and rendered nonoperative through emergency constitutional restoration. The captured system does not get to adjudicate its own preservation. If Citizens United and its underlying logic are part of the machine, then the machine cannot be allowed to finance the litigation of whether the machine survives. That is not process. That is surrender laundered as prudence.
The decisions subject to this restoration include: Citizens United v. FEC — which turned money into speech and elections into auctions. Buckley v. Valeo — the foundation on which Citizens United was built. District of Columbia v. Heller — which invented an individual right to firearms untethered from the militia clause the Founders actually wrote. Shelby County v. Holder — which gutted the Voting Rights Act and unleashed a wave of voter suppression across the country. Dobbs v. Jackson — which stripped bodily autonomy from half the population. Loper Bright v. Raimondo — which destroyed the ability of federal agencies to regulate. Jarkesy v. SEC — which crippled enforcement of securities law. West Virginia v. EPA — which hamstrung the government's ability to address climate change. Janus v. AFSCME — which gutted public sector unions. You cannot suspend the weapons and leave the wounds intact. If the doctrines are presumptively illegitimate, so are their consequences.
Step 3 — The Treason Case
Article III, Section 3 of the United States Constitution defines treason: "Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort."
The Powell Memo network has waged a fifty-year war against the constitutional order of the United States. It captured the judiciary to immunize the powerful from accountability and strip citizens of their rights. It infiltrated and systematically dismantled the federal government from within. It constructed a propaganda apparatus to manufacture consent for the destruction of democratic governance. It weaponized religion to demolish the separation of church and state. It engineered an economic racket that has looted the national treasury for decades.
And "levying war" is not a metaphor. They sent masked paramilitaries into American cities. They killed American citizens on American soil.14 They disappeared residents from their communities — ripping people from their homes, their families, their lives — and deported them to foreign prisons in defiance of federal court orders.15 16 They did all of this with complete disregard for the Constitution they swore to uphold. When the courts told them to stop, they refused. When citizens protested, they escalated. And when their president threatened to commit genocide against 90 million people, the party that enabled all of it stood with him — nearly unanimously, with only a handful of exceptions willing to break ranks.
That is not politics. That is war against the United States. Prosecute it as such.
And here is what distinguishes this from authoritarianism: the bar for escape is low.
Any elected Republican who can demonstrate that even once — a single time — while holding a position of power, they took a genuine stand for the rule of law while the Powell network's machinery was working to destroy it, is excluded from prosecution. Not a vote cast after the outcome was already determined. Not a statement of "concern" followed by a party-line vote. A genuine act of resistance, taken at genuine cost. Examples:
Republicans who signed the discharge petition to release the Epstein files before it became inevitable — not those who voted for release once the petition succeeded and the outcome was certain. That is not courage. That is calculation.
Joe Kent, who resigned as Director of the National Counterterrorism Center because he could not "in good conscience" support an illegitimate war — and was immediately discarded by the machine he had served.17
Marjorie Taylor Greene — a person whose political history is abhorrent by almost any measure — who nonetheless chose to resign from Congress rather than continue to be part of the rot, and who later called for the 25th Amendment after the genocide threat.18 If even she could see the line and refuse to cross it, the bar is not high.
Republicans who demanded Trump's removal from office after his threat of genocide against 90 million people.
The devastating reality is not that the bar is high. It is that almost no one clears it. Not because we have set an impossible standard — but because the complicity is that total. Fifty years of infrastructure, and the machine left almost no one untouched.
The Counterargument, Preempted
The objection is obvious: this is executive overreach. This is authoritarian. This is exactly what Trump did.
Three responses.
First, the hypocrisy. Let us be clear about what the Republican Party has already accepted as legitimate uses of executive power: bombing schools and murdering children on the first day of an unauthorized war.19 Disappearing people from their communities and sending them to foreign torture prisons without due process. Sending masked paramilitaries to capture residents like animals in their homes. Defying federal court orders. Threatening to annihilate ninety million human beings. The Republican Party was fine with all of it. Every last act. They do not get to invoke restraint now.
But hypocrisy alone is not the justification. Their moral bankruptcy strips them of standing to object — it does not, by itself, authorize what we propose. "They did worse" is not a constitutional argument. It is evidence that every ordinary mechanism of internal self-correction has failed. The courts have been captured. The legislative branch has been neutralized. The media has been co-opted. The party that should have checked its own president instead enabled him. Every institutional safeguard designed to prevent the concentration of lawless power has been systematically disabled by the very network we are describing.
The actual justification is this: emergency constitutional restoration. The constitutional order of the United States has already been functionally suspended — not by this plan, but by the fifty-year campaign that preceded it. What is outlined here is not arbitrary vengeance and not counter-authoritarianism. It is the organized restoration of constitutional governance in response to an advanced constitutional breakdown, aimed at identifiable institutions that demonstrably participated in destroying lawful governance. Every remedy is targeted, evidence-based, and proportionate to the institutional sabotage it addresses.
And one final point that must be made explicit: this is not a new model of presidential power. The extraordinary measures outlined in this plan are emergency actions with a specific, bounded purpose — to dismantle the apparatus that made permanent lawlessness possible. Once that apparatus is dismantled, the goal is not to retain emergency power but to rebind it: comprehensive judicial reform, campaign finance reform, voting-rights restoration, strengthened ethics rules, and explicit limits on emergency executive authority itself. The object is to break the machine that made Caesarism possible — and then ensure that no one, including us, can build another one.
And let us be clear about one more thing: this is not an attack on Republican voters. The vast majority of the Republican base are not neo-Nazis. They are not ideologues. They are people — often decent, hardworking people — who have been caught in a propaganda machine that took their legitimate disillusionment with a system that stopped working for them and weaponized it against them. They were told the problem was immigrants, or liberals, or "wokeness," when the problem was always the Racket — the same network of institutions that was robbing them while pointing their anger at everyone except the people doing the robbing. This plan goes after the machine, not the people the machine captured. The Federalist Society. The Heritage Foundation. The propaganda apparatus. The donors who funded the war. The elected officials who enabled it. Those are the targets. The millions of Americans who were manipulated into supporting them are not the enemy — they are, in many ways, among the Racket's greatest victims.
The Rebuild
Dismantling the apparatus is half the work. The other half is filling the vacuum with what was stolen — what the Racket extracted from the American people over fifty years of engineered decline.
This is not a wish list. This is what becomes possible when the loop is broken and the money flows back to where it belongs. And the frozen assets from Step 2 — the wealth accumulated by the organizations and individuals who funded the war against the Constitution — are the first installment. Fifty years of extraction, returned to the people it was taken from.
An FDR-scale infrastructure renewal, funded by substantially increased top marginal tax rates and the dismantling of the Racket itself. The interstate highway system, the post-war housing boom, the GI Bill, the space program — all were built when the wealthy paid their fair share. We are not proposing something radical. We are proposing a return to what worked.
Debt forgiveness — student debt and medical debt, the twin financial traps that have prevented an entire generation from building wealth, starting families, and buying homes. The money to cancel this debt exists. It is sitting in the accounts of individuals and institutions that received tax cuts they did not need, earning interest on government bonds that should never have been issued. The debt is not a natural phenomenon. It is an artifact of the Racket. Eliminate it.
Free public college education, because education is the single best investment a country can make. Educated individuals are more productive individuals — they earn more, innovate more, and contribute more to the society that educated them. In the wealthiest country in the history of the world, the refusal to offer free higher education is not a fiscal constraint. It is an act of sabotage — deliberate, strategic sabotage, because an educated populace is also the single most effective defense against the kind of manipulation the Powell network perfected. They did not capture the country by accident. They did it by defunding public education for decades and filling the void with propaganda, conspiracy, and disinformation. Reverse both. Fund the schools. Starve the pipeline that feeds the machine.
A living minimum wage — indexed not to what corporations prefer to pay, but to what it actually costs to live in this country. A full-time worker in America should be able to afford housing, food, healthcare, and a life of basic dignity. That this is considered a radical proposition tells you everything about how far the Racket has distorted our expectations.
Full restoration of the safety net — Medicaid, SNAP, Social Security, the Affordable Care Act, all of it. Fully funded. Fully protected. Permanently removed from the hostage-taking that the GOP turned into standard operating procedure — threatening to starve sixteen million children to extract tax cuts for billionaires. The safety net is not charity. It is infrastructure. It is the floor below which no American should fall. Rebuild it, and make it permanent.
This is what the Racket stole. This is what we take back — not through charity, not through incremental reform, but through the restoration of a system that was designed to work for everyone and was deliberately, systematically sabotaged by people who wanted it to work only for them.
The Choice
This is the plan. Not a fantasy. Not a slogan. A sequence of actions — specific, actionable, and grounded in a coherent constitutional theory of restoration — that a future president can begin on Day 1.
Fifty years ago, Lewis Powell wrote a memo that launched a war against the United States of America. That war captured the courts, gutted the government, built a propaganda empire, weaponized religion, and engineered a racket that has been looting the country for half a century. It culminated in a president who threatened the genocide of ninety million people while his entire party stood behind him and called it leadership.
The apparatus that made this possible is identifiable. Its organizations have names. Its funding has sources. Its legal doctrines have authors. Its crimes have evidence. It is not invisible. It is not invincible. It is a machine — and machines can be dismantled.
We know what it is. We know who built it. And now we know how to end it.
This war has already produced real casualties. American cities invaded by masked men in military gear who killed American citizens on American soil — a poet, a nurse, people whose only crime was being in the way. Thousands removed from this country in violation of their constitutional rights — including those sent to CECOT who were tortured by a foreign government on our dime. Thousands dead in Iran, including approximately 165 schoolgirls killed when we bombed a primary school on the first day of an illegitimate war. Hundreds of millions of Americans whose opportunities have been systematically hindered for generations by a racket that stole their future to enrich the few. Our alliances with the nations that kept us safe — alliances built over decades — are in peril.
The war was waged. The casualties are real. The damage is already done.
But the final dagger — the one that kills the idea of America for good — comes from us. It comes if we choose to do nothing. If we see the machine for what it is, understand the war for what it was, count the bodies and the broken futures, and decide that it is easier to look away than to act.
That is the only choice left. Not between left and right. Not between liberal and conservative. Between a country that holds the architects of its destruction accountable and rebuilds — or a country that lets the machine run until there is nothing left to save.
If you think this plan is wrong, then name the alternative. Ask yourself whether it would actually dismantle the machine — or merely gesture at resistance while leaving the status quo intact.
And if you agree with this plan, do not leave it here. Share it. Put it in front of your representatives. Demand an answer. Tell them plainly: if you are not willing to fight on this scale, you are not getting my vote.
But understanding the threat — even having the plan to defeat it — is only the beginning. Plans require people. They require a movement willing to demand this of its leaders, willing to hold them to it, willing to make the cost of inaction higher than the cost of action.
We built this publication to equip you with the tools to fight back — the frameworks, the messaging, the strategies that actually work. See the links below. But we can only keep doing this with your help. If this matters to you, please consider becoming a paid subscriber. You keep the fight alive.
Fighting Fascism: How We Charge Ahead and Win — The strategic playbook for reclaiming power
The Trump Regime Messaging Guide — How to talk to people who've been captured by the machine
The Freedom Illusion — How we got here, and the counter-ideology that gets us out
Article Sources:
JURIST, "Rights Group Lead Condemns Trump Threats Against Iran", JURIST, April 7, 2026.
Reporting on Trump's April 7, 2026 Truth Social post in which he stated "A whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again. I don't want that to happen, but it probably will" — setting an 8:00 PM deadline for Iran regarding the Strait of Hormuz. The post was made amid escalating U.S.-Iran tensions and was widely interpreted as a direct threat of mass civilian destruction against a nation of over 90 million people.
Amnesty International, "Iran: President Trump's Apocalyptic Threats of Large-Scale Civilian Devastation Demand Urgent Global Action to Prevent Atrocity Crimes", Amnesty International, April 7, 2026.
Official statement from Amnesty International Secretary General Agnès Callamard characterizing Trump's rhetoric as a potential "threat to commit genocide" with "potentially catastrophic consequences for over 90 million people." Callamard cited international humanitarian law prohibiting direct attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, and called for urgent global action to prevent atrocity crimes. The statement invoked the Genocide Convention's definition of acts committed "with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group."
Mary Roeloffs, "Bipartisan Calls to Remove Trump From Office Grow as He Threatens Iranian Genocide", Forbes, April 7, 2026.
Documents the growing calls from members of Congress — including Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ro Khanna, Melanie Stansbury, and Madeleine Dean — demanding that Vice President JD Vance and the Cabinet invoke Section 4 of the 25th Amendment to remove Trump from office following his genocide threat. Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker also publicly joined the calls. Despite the outcry, Republican leadership in Congress and the Cabinet took no action.
Lewis F. Powell Jr., "Attack on American Free Enterprise System", Confidential memorandum to Eugene B. Sydnor Jr., Chairman of the Education Committee, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, August 23, 1971.
The founding document of the modern conservative institutional apparatus. Powell argued that the American free enterprise system was under attack from consumer advocates, environmentalists, and civil rights activists, and urged the business community to abandon its passive approach and wage a coordinated, long-term campaign to capture the courts, universities, media, and political system. Powell was nominated to the Supreme Court less than two months after writing the memo. The memorandum is archived at Washington & Lee University.
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010). 5-4 decision, January 21, 2010.
Landmark Supreme Court ruling holding that government restrictions on "independent expenditures" for political communications by corporations and unions violate the First Amendment. The decision overturned portions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, enabled the creation of Super PACs, and allowed unlimited independent spending in elections — effectively establishing that money is speech and transforming American elections into auctions where the highest bidder has the loudest voice.
Amy Howe, "Justices Rule Trump Has Some Immunity From Prosecution", SCOTUSblog, July 1, 2024.
Analysis of the Supreme Court's 6-3 decision creating a three-tier immunity framework for presidents: absolute immunity for core constitutional powers, presumptive immunity for official acts, and no immunity for unofficial acts. Justice Sotomayor warned in dissent that "a President's use of any official power for any purpose, even the most corrupt, is immune from prosecution." Justice Jackson called the ruling "a five-alarm fire that threatens to consume democratic self-governance." The decision effectively placed the president above the law for any action that could be characterized as official.
Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, "Shelby Co. v. Holder", Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, June 25, 2013.
Documentation of the 5-4 Supreme Court decision that gutted the Voting Rights Act by invalidating Section 4(b)'s coverage formula, rendering Section 5's preclearance requirement inoperable. The decision ended federal oversight of voting law changes in jurisdictions with documented histories of discrimination. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg's dissent compared the ruling to "throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet." Congress has not enacted a replacement formula in over a decade since the ruling.
Amy Howe, "Supreme Court Strikes Down Chevron, Curtailing Power of Federal Agencies", SCOTUSblog, June 28, 2024.
Reporting on the 6-3 decision in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo overturning 40 years of Chevron deference — the doctrine requiring courts to defer to agency interpretations of ambiguous statutes. The decision shifts regulatory power from expert agencies to federal courts, fundamentally weakening the administrative state's ability to enforce congressionally mandated regulations. Justice Kagan warned in dissent that the ruling "is a recipe for chaos." The case was backed by conservative legal groups funded by Charles Koch, as part of a broader strategy to dismantle the regulatory state.
American Civil Liberties Union, "Project 2025 Explained", ACLU, 2024.
Comprehensive breakdown of Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation's 900-920 page "Mandate for Leadership" — a blueprint for radical restructuring of every federal agency to serve a conservative agenda. Developed by 140 former Trump staffers, the plan includes proposals the ACLU describes as "outright unconstitutional," including the Schedule F executive order to reclassify civil service employees and make them easier to fire, mass deportations, expanded warrantless surveillance, and restrictions on voting access.
Alice Herman, "Russell Vought: Trump Appointee Who Wants Federal Workers to Be in Trauma", The Guardian, February 10, 2025.
Profile of Russell Vought, newly confirmed as OMB director, featuring video evidence (released by ProPublica in October 2024) of Vought explicitly stating: "We want the bureaucrats to be traumatically affected. When they wake up in the morning, we want them to not want to go to work, because they are increasingly viewed as the villains. We want their funding to be shut down... We want to put them in trauma." Vought, a key architect of Project 2025, embraces "radical constitutionalism" and Christian nationalism, and has proposed invoking the Insurrection Act.
Associated Press, "A Year After Trump's DOGE Cuts, Workers Whose Lives Were Upended Ask What Was Saved", PBS NewsHour, March 27, 2026.
One-year retrospective on DOGE's systematic dismantling of federal agencies. Documents that more than 260,000 federal workers left federal service due to Trump administration initiatives in 2025. The U.S. Institute of Peace became a symbol of the chaos — its 300 employees were fired, rehired after a court order, then fired again. Despite claiming $215 billion in savings, Brookings Institution analysis estimates actual savings between $100-200 billion, and GAO found some cuts actually cost the government more. Musk himself admitted DOGE was only "somewhat successful."
Robert Downen and John Tedesco, "Southern Baptist Probe: Here's What the Bombshell Report Revealed", Houston Chronicle, May 22, 2022.
Investigation into the Guidepost Solutions report documenting the SBC's systematic coverup of sexual abuse. For twenty years, SBC leaders "routinely silenced and disparaged sexual abuse survivors, ignored calls for policies to stop predators, and dismissed reforms." Leaders maintained a secret list of 703+ accused abusers while publicly claiming such a database was impractical. SBC lawyer Aug. Boto described abuse survivors' reform efforts as "a satanic scheme to completely distract us from evangelism." At least nine offenders on the secret list were still leading churches at the time of the report.
Amy Howe, "Supreme Court Rules States Cannot Remove Trump From Ballot for Insurrection", SCOTUSblog, March 4, 2024.
Analysis of the Supreme Court's ruling in Trump v. Anderson. The Colorado trial court found that Trump "engaged in insurrection" — a factual finding upheld by the Colorado Supreme Court. The U.S. Supreme Court reversed the ballot removal remedy, ruling that states cannot unilaterally enforce Section 3 of the 14th Amendment against federal candidates and that enforcement authority rests with Congress. Critically, the Court "did not reach" the question of whether Trump engaged in insurrection — meaning the lower court's factual finding stands unreversed and unchallenged on the merits.
Melissa Hellmann, "Eight People Have Died in Dealings With ICE So Far in 2026. These Are Their Stories", The Guardian, January 28, 2026.
Documents the killings of two American citizens by federal agents in Minneapolis: Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old poet and mother of three, shot in her vehicle on January 7, 2026; and Alex Pretti, a 37-year-old VA hospital ICU nurse, shot on January 24, 2026 while attempting to help a woman being assaulted by ICE agents. DHS Secretary Kristi Noem and Stephen Miller characterized the killings as responses to "domestic terrorism," but video evidence showed Pretti "was holding only his phone in his hand" before being shot. 2025 was the deadliest year for ICE custody in over twenty years, with nearly 75% of detained individuals having no criminal convictions.
Associated Press, "What to Know About the El Salvador Mega-Prison Where Trump Sent Hundreds of Immigrants", PBS NewsHour, March 16, 2025.
Reporting on the Trump administration's deportation of hundreds of immigrants to El Salvador's CECOT mega-prison under a $6 million agreement with President Bukele's government. CECOT prisoners "do not receive visits and are never allowed outdoors." Bukele's justice minister stated that those held at CECOT "would never return to their communities." The Trump administration did not identify the deported migrants, provide evidence they were gang members, or demonstrate they had committed any crimes in the U.S. Deportations were carried out under the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 — used only three times in American history.
Human Rights Watch and Cristosal, "US/El Salvador: Torture of Venezuelan Deportees", Human Rights Watch, November 12, 2025.
Joint investigation documenting systematic torture of 252 Venezuelan nationals sent by the Trump administration to CECOT. Based on interviews with 40 detainees and 150 relatives, plus forensic evidence, the report documents regular beatings, sexual violence, and enforced disappearance. Roughly half the deportees had no criminal history; only 3% had been convicted of violent offenses. At least 62 were removed during active asylum proceedings after passing "credible fear" screenings. Human Rights Watch concluded: "The US government has not been linked to acts of systematic torture on this scale since Abu Ghraib."
HSToday, "Joe Kent Resigns from National Counterterrorism Center Citing Opposition to Iran War", Homeland Security Today, March 17, 2026.
Joe Kent, Trump's own appointee as Director of the National Counterterrorism Center, resigned effective immediately on March 17, 2026 — the first senior official to openly break with the White House over the Iran war. A decorated Army Special Forces veteran with 11 combat deployments and a Gold Star husband whose wife was killed in Syria in 2019, Kent stated: "I cannot in good conscience support the ongoing war in Iran." He argued Iran posed "no imminent threat" to the United States and compared the situation to the lead-up to the Iraq War.
Dan Raby, "Marjorie Taylor Greene Marks Her Last Day in Congress After Resignation", CBS News Atlanta, January 5, 2026.
Documents Greene's resignation from Congress effective January 5, 2026, following a public split with Trump over the Epstein files and foreign policy. Trump withdrew support and called her a "low IQ traitor." Months later, on April 7, 2026, Greene called for the 25th Amendment after Trump's genocide threat, posting: "25TH AMENDMENT!!! Not a single bomb has dropped on America. We cannot kill an entire civilization. This is evil and madness." The trajectory — from MAGA loyalist to congressional resignation to calling for Trump's removal — illustrates how thoroughly the machine discards anyone who crosses it.
UNESCO/UN News, "Deadly Bombing of Iran Primary School a 'Grave Violation of Humanitarian Law'", UN News, March 1, 2026.
Official UN documentation of the bombing of the Minab girls' primary school in southern Iran during the first day of U.S. military strikes on February 28/March 1, 2026. Approximately 150 people were killed, including many students. UNESCO condemned the attack as "a grave violation of humanitarian law." Malala Yousafzai, UN Messenger of Peace, stated: "The killing of civilians, especially children, is unconscionable, and I condemn it unequivocally."